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As of late March, the PMCs remained in the same area and were using local pro-government troops to scout coalition positions.

On 18 February , the Syrian military launched an offensive against the rebel-held Eastern Ghouta , east of Damascus, [] [] and split the region into three separate pockets by 12 March.

Wagner PMCs then reportedly launched an operation and during the night between 18 and 19 March, fully recaptured Mesraba. Another mission they were charged with during the offensive was to secure the humanitarian corridor established by the Russian Reconciliation Center for Syria that allowed civilians to leave rebel-held areas for government territory.

According to the Center, 79, people had left rebel-held parts of Eastern Ghouta as of 19 March. According to the announcement, the unit was formed to conduct reconnaissance and attacks in Ukraine.

As of the end of November , the PMCs were not conducting almost any combat missions. Instead, they were stationed at facilities and it was stated that during the past summer a company trained for three months at a base, 70 kilometers from Deir ez-Zor, for riot control.

At the start of May , it was reported Wagner snipers were being deployed along the Idlib frontline in northwest Syria in anticipation of a Syrian Army offensive.

Photos and videos appeared to show at least one Russian PMC accompanying Syrian troops into one of the towns. In early September, the PMC's were preparing for an offensive to assault the rebel-held city of Idlib.

They were grouped into man tank-equipped units supported by Russian air forces. While working with regular Syrian government forces, they were first to establish civilian evacuation corridors and then engage in the attack on the city.

On 15 October , Syrian government forces entered the city of Manbij and its surrounding countryside, as US military forces started a withdrawal from the area, [] which was completed by the end of the day.

In mid-January , tense standoffs started with US troops blocking Russian military vehicles from using the M4 highway in northeastern Syria.

Almost half a dozen incidents took place towards the end of the month. According to the US, the incidents took place deep inside territory patrolled by their military and the Kurdish-led SDF.

During the turmoil, armed men in unmarked uniforms took up positions in the center of Luhansk. Strelkov had a key role in the annexation of Crimea by Russia, as well as in the early stages of the war in the east of Ukraine where he was one of the most senior commanders.

Two internal-conflicts have been raging in Sudan for years in the region of Darfur and the states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile , while a civil war has been taking place in South Sudan since They left in February after completing their mission.

Sukhankin stated that the protection of the mines was the "most essential commodity" and that the PMCs were sent to "hammer out beneficial conditions for the Russian companies".

The role of the PMCs was also to fill a security vacuum left by France after it withdrew its military forces from the country in October According to the CAR government, the plane was carrying Russian military advisers who had been there for peace negotiations with the rebels [] and witnesses stated three or four Russian soldiers from the aircraft visited the compounds of Muslim rebel leaders.

Petersburg, whose main areas of activity are mining of precious stones and private security services. In late January , after protests erupted in Sudan mid-December , the British press made allegations that the PMCs were helping the Sudanese authorities crackdown on the protesters.

During the first days of the protests, demonstrators and journalists reported groups of foreigners had gathered near major rallying points.

This was denied by the Russian Foreign Ministry. More than protesters were detained. This included the PMCs' training of Sudanese military officers.

In April , the Wagner-connected company "Meroe Gold" was reported to be planning to ship personal protective equipment, medicine, and other equipment to Sudan amid the coronavirus pandemic.

The independent media group the Project reported that Wagner PMCs arrived in Madagascar in April , to guard political consultants that were hired by Yevgeny Prigozhin to accompany the presidential campaign of then-president Hery Rajaonarimampianina for the upcoming elections.

Rajaonarimampianina lost the attempt at re-election, finishing third during the first round of voting, [] although Prigozhin's consultants were said to had also worked with several of the other candidates in the months before the elections.

Close to the end of the campaign, the strategists also helped the eventual winner of the elections, Andry Rajoelina , who was also supported by the United States and China.

It was said the bases were set up under the cover of the Wagner Group and that 'dozens' of GRU agents and special forces members were acting as trainers and liaisons in the area.

Following the southern campaign, the LNA launched an offensive against the GNA -held capital of Tripoli , but the offensive stalled within two weeks on the outskirts of the city due to stiff resistance.

Subsequently, at the sites of various clashes along the frontline, GNA militiamen were recovering Russian material being left behind.

By early November, the number of PMCs had grown to or and Wagner snipers were causing a number of casualties among GNA frontline fighters, with 30 percent of the deaths in one unit being due to the Russian snipers.

On one day, nine GNA fighters were killed by sniper fire. The PMCs were also equipped with laser-guided howitzer shells and thus artillery fire had become more precise through laser designation from ground spotters.

They were also reportedly using hollow point ammunition in contravention of rules of war. With the ground fighting in the war among the local factions being considered amateurish, it was thought that the arrival of the PMCs could have an outsized impact.

At the end of October , Facebook suspended accounts it said were part of a Russian disinformation campaign linked to Yevgeny Prigozhin.

The campaign targeted eight African countries. At least some of the Facebook accounts came from the Wagner Group [] and the one operation that was attribute to Wagner was supporting two potential future political competitors in Libya.

It had Egyptian page managers and the pages included Muammar Gaddafi nostalgia content. They also bolstered Saif al-Islam Gaddafi.

Later, it was reported that the two Russians had three meetings with Gaddafi by April The drone was the sixth of seventh deployed by Turkey in June that had been brought down by this point.

Following Turkey's and Russia's call for a ceasefire in Libya on 8 January , [] the GNA claimed a significant number of Wagner fighters had withdrawn from the frontline via helicopters to the Al Jufra Airbase.

However, at the end of March, the GNA claimed to had targeted a building in the Qasr Bin Ghashir area south of Tripoli which had been occupied by Russian PMCs that had been responsible for several recent attacks on Tripoli neighborhoods.

Wagner PMCs were claimed to be in the vehicles, with one of them being killed and another wounded. The Syrians numbered less than 2, [] and were made up of former rebels recruited by the Wagner Group, under Russian military supervision, to fight alongside them.

In late May, the GNA captured the strategic Al-Watiya Air Base [] and advanced into several districts of southern Tripoli, [] during which they captured three military camps.

According to the GNA, between 1, and 1, "mercenaries" withdrew from Tripoli's frontlines in the previous days. The jets arrived from an airbase in Russia via Syria, where they were repainted to conceal their Russian markings.

There was concern the aircraft were being operated by the PMCs. Towards the end of June, the Jufra airbase was reportedly turned into a Wagner Group command center for operations to take control of the country's southern oil fields [] and the PMCs at the base were said to include Ukrainians and Serbians, besides the Russian contractors.

In July, the United States imposed sanctions on Wagner individuals and entities for the planting of landmines in and around Tripoli. A total of 14 Mig and Su fighter jets had also been delievered.

The leader of a local chapter of a paramilitary group of Cossacks with ties to the PMCs reported that about contractors may be in Venezuela at that point.

It was said that the PMCs flew in two chartered aircraft to Havana, Cuba, from where they transferred onto regular commercial flights to Venezuela.

An anonymous Russian source close to the Wagner Group stated that another group of PMCs had already arrived in advance of the May presidential election.

They also assisted in the training of the Venezuelan National Militia and the pro-Maduro Colectivos paramilitaries in In early August , the Wagner Group received a contract with the government of Mozambique over two other private military companies, OAM and Black Hawk, by offering their services for lower costs.

On 25 September, a second Russian cargo plane [] landed in Nampula province and unloaded large-calibre weapons and ammunition belonging to the Wagner Group, which were then transported to the Cabo Delgado province where, since 5 October , an Islamist insurgency had been taking place.

Starting on 5 October, the Mozambique military conducted several successful operations, in collaboration with the PMCs, against the insurgents [29] along the border with Tanzania.

At this time, the insurgents launched attacks on two bases, during which more than 35 insurgents and three PMCs were killed. Meanwhile, on 8 October, a Russian ship entered the port of Nacala carrying just over 17 containers of different types of weapons, especially explosives, which were transported to the battlefield.

During the ambush at the end of October, in addition to five PMCs, 20 Mozambique soldiers also died when Islamic militants set up a barricade on the road as a FADM military convoy arrived.

Four of the five PMCs were shot dead and then beheaded. By mid-November, two Mozambique military sources described growing tensions between Wagner and the FADM after a number of failed military operations, with one saying joint patrols had almost stopped.

Analysts, mercenaries and security experts, including the heads of OAM and Black Hawk, which operate in Sub-Saharan Africa, were of the opinion that Wagner was struggling in Mozambique since they were operating in a theater where they did not have much expertise.

At the same time, Dolf Dorfling, the founder of Black Hawk and a former South African colonel, said sources told them that the Wagner Group had started to search for local military expertise.

Towards the end of that month, it was reported that PMCs had withdrawn from Mozambique, following the deaths among its fighters.

By early , the number of attacks in Cabo Delgado surged, with 28 taking place throughout January and early February. The violence spread to nine of the province's 16 districts.

The attacks included beheadings, mass kidnappings and villages burned to the ground. Most of the attacks were conducted by militants, but some were also made by bandits.

On 8 April, the military launched helicopter strikes against militant bases in two districts. Journalist Joseph Hanlon published a photograph showing one of the helicopter gunships that took part in the attack and said it was manned by Wagner PMCs.

In July , ahead of the country's presidential election , Belarusian law enforcement agencies arrested 33 Wagner contractors. The arrests took place after the security agencies received information about over PMCs arriving in the country "to destabilize the situation during the election campaign", according to the state-owned Belarusian Telegraph Agency BelTA.

Belarusian authorities also said they believed the husband of opposition presidential candidate Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya may have ties to the detained men and launched a criminal case against him.

Families of killed PMCs are prohibited from talking to the media under a non-disclosure that is a prerequisite for them to get compensation from the company.

The standard compensation for the family of a killed Wagner employee is up to 5 million rubles about 80, dollars , according to a Wagner official.

The company's senior officials and owners are either relatives of Russian President Putin or others linked to him.

The clinic's general director, Vladislav Baranov, also has a business relationship with Maria Vorontsova , Putin's eldest daughter.

Wagner PMCs have received state awards [8] in the form of military decorations [45] and certificates signed by Russian President Putin.

Bogatov was seriously injured during the battle. For each of those killed a candle is lit in the chapel. The leadership of the Wagner Group and its military instructors were reportedly invited to attend the military parade on 9 May , dedicated to Victory Day.

On 12 April , investigative Russian journalist Maksim Borodin was found badly injured at the foot of his building, after falling from his fifth-floor balcony in Yekaterinburg.

Local officials said no suicide note was found but that his death was unlikely to be of a criminal nature. They also stated that at the time of his fall his apartment door had been locked from the inside, indicating that nobody had either entered or left.

Borodin's friend stated that one day before his fall, Borodin had contacted him at five o'clock in the morning saying there was "someone with a weapon on his balcony and people in camouflage and masks on the staircase landing".

He had been attempting to find a lawyer, but later Borodin called his friend once again and said he made a mistake and that he thought the men had been taking part in some kind of training exercise.

Still, Rumyantseva stated "If there's even a hint of something criminal, we will make it public". Borodin also had a local repute for conducting investigation of prisons and corrupt officials in his native Sverdlovsk Oblast.

The ambush took place 23 kilometers from Sibut when armed men emerged from the bush and opened fire on their vehicle. The journalists' driver survived the attack, [] but was afterward kept incommunicado by the authorities.

In its response to the killings, Russia's foreign ministry noted that the dead journalists had been traveling without official accreditation.

An expensive camera kit and more than 8, dollars disappeared from the scene, [] although three canisters of gasoline, which is considered a valuable commodity in the CAR, were left in the vehicle.

It reaffirmed there was nothing to contradict the official version that the killings were a random act by thieves, but noted speculation within Russia that blamed the Wagner Group, while also adding a theory by a little known African news media outlet that France, which previously ruled the CAR when it was a colony, was behind the killings as a warning to Moscow to stay clear of its area of influence.

During their investigation, the journalists tried to enter the PMCs' camp, but they were told that they needed accreditation from the country's Defense Ministry.

The killings took place one day after the journalists visited the Wagner Group encampment at Berengo. In January , it was revealed that, according to evidence gathered by Khodorkovsky's Dossier Center , a major in the Central African Gendarmerie was involved in the ambush.

The major was in regular communication with the journalists' driver on the day of their murders and he had frequent communications with a Wagner PMC who was a specialist trainer in counter surveillance and recruitment in Central Africa.

The police officer was also said to had attended a camp run by Russian military trainers on the border with Sudan, and maintained regular contact with Russian PMCs after his training.

On 23 August , former Chechen commander Zelimkhan Khangoshvili , who was a veteran of the Second Chechen War and sought refuge in Germany in , was shot and killed in Berlin.

A Russian man was arrested after being spotted throwing a bicycle and a gun into the Spree river [] and investigators were looking into whether the killing was a political assassination.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Russian private military company. Main article: Battle of Khasham. See also: Russian Armed Forces casualties in Syria.

Main article: Death of Maksim Borodin. Retrieved 18 September The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 4 August Retrieved 20 January Sky News. Warsaw Institute Foundation.

Retrieved 7 October War Is Boring. Retrieved 21 October Huffington Post. Retrieved 19 February Conflict Intelligence Team. Retrieved 24 September Retrieved 12 December Al-Masdar News.

Retrieved 26 April Al Bawaba. Retrieved 7 October — via FreeNews-en. The Interpreter. Retrieved 25 January The Foreign Policy.

The Times. The Washington Post. Retrieved 7 October — via Meduza. The Drive. RBC 9. Retrieved 18 September — via Russia Beyond. Retrieved 22 August How Russian firms masked secret military work".

The Moscow Times. Balkan Insight in Serbian. Blic in Serbian. AP News. The New York Times. Department of the Treasury, 20 June Troops in Syria: Mattis gave Putin "plausible deniability" for a military assault that went badly awry.

Bloomberg, 16 February Moscow's mercenaries reveal the privatisation of Russian geopolitics 29 August Russian Private Military Companies—Redwater?

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